From: allin
Vivek Ramaswamy, an entrepreneur and former capital allocator, has entered the political arena as a conservative Republican candidate for president. His campaign is driven by a desire to address what he perceives as a “deeper void of purpose and meaning” in American society [00:09:51], advocating for a return to fundamental American ideals [00:18:10].
Background and Entry into Politics
Ramaswamy began his career as a biotech investor at a hedge fund in New York in 2007. He later founded Roivant Sciences, a biotech company that aimed to give scientists “skin in the game” by allowing them personal upside in drug development projects [00:3:10]. This business model focused on licensing and developing drugs that had been systematically undeveloped by larger pharmaceutical companies [00:03:56]. Roivant Sciences grew into a $10 billion public company with five FDA-approved drugs [00:04:43].
His decision to run for president stemmed from experiences in 2020 when he faced demands within his own company to make statements on behalf of Black Lives Matter [00:05:21]. He had previously criticized “stakeholder capitalism” in a Wall Street Journal piece [00:05:52], arguing that government pressure on private actors, akin to the censorship seen after January 6th, constituted state action [00:06:27]. This stance led to three company advisors resigning [00:07:18], prompting him to step down from Roivant to speak more freely without adversely impacting the company [00:07:50].
Ramaswamy is the author of three books, including “Woke Inc.” and “Capitalist Punishment,” which address his views on corporate America’s involvement in social issues [00:09:23]. He believes companies should focus on their core mission of providing products and services, maximizing shareholder profit, and avoid taking on social missions best handled by other institutions [00:09:40]. Before running for president, he founded Strive, an asset management firm competing against companies like BlackRock, aiming to restore the “unapologetic pursuit of excellence” in corporate America [00:10:11].
Core Political Stance and Philosophy
Ramaswamy describes himself as a conservative, running as a Republican, and is characterized as anti-woke, pro-life, anti-affirmative action, and pro-free speech [00:01:18]. He supports federal government term limits [00:01:27].
He views “wokeness” as a symptom of a deeper “void of purpose and meaning” in society, akin to “climatism, COVIDism, fentanyl usage, anxiety, depression, loss of self-confidence” [00:15:00]. He argues that young people are “hungry for a cause, purpose, meaning, and identity” [00:12:54], and that traditional sources like faith, patriotism, hard work, and family have diminished [00:13:15]. His proposed alternative vision to what he calls “secular cults” [00:16:28] is based on “individual, family, Nation, God” [00:17:16]. His platform centers on American exceptionalism, defined as demonstrating America’s strength and flourishing through its own ideals [00:32:43]. He asserts that a strong national identity can help fill this void [00:18:19].
Economic and Fiscal Policy
Ramaswamy acknowledges the growing national debt and annual deficit, but believes the U.S. can “grow our way out of” most of its fiscal challenges [00:22:09]. He notes that historical U.S. GDP growth was often over four percent, compared to current rates below 1.5 percent [00:22:25]. He advocates for the Federal Reserve to have a single mandate of dollar stability [00:22:38].
To achieve economic growth, he proposes:
- Unlocking American Energy: He views the “climate cult” as a secular religion [00:23:03]. His plan involves removing permitting restrictions to boost domestic energy production, including drilling, fracking, and burning coal [00:23:10]. He supports embracing nuclear energy and plans to shut down the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, which he sees as hostile to nuclear power [00:23:31].
- Work Requirements: He believes the government should stop paying people to stay at home, as this creates an obstacle to filling vacant jobs [00:24:10]. He supports tying entitlements to work requirements, advocating for policies at least as aggressive as the 1996 welfare reforms under President Clinton [00:26:40].
Regarding government incentives, he noted he mostly did not support the Inflation Reduction Act [00:24:42]. He focuses on actions a U.S. president can take without Congressional permission, such as administrative actions against agencies like the Department of Interior or the Nuclear Regulatory Commission [00:25:27].
Immigration Policy
Ramaswamy supports merit-based immigration [00:27:56]. He suggests a point-based system for immigration to the U.S., with top criteria being skills that match job openings and a required civics portion for visa applicants at the front end of the process [00:28:35]. This, he believes, addresses concerns about the “dilution, the loss of a national identity” [00:29:01].
He is a “hardliner” on illegal immigration, favoring the deployment of the U.S. military to the southern and northern borders [00:29:08]. He notes that cartel-financed tunnels exist even under border walls [00:29:22]. Simultaneously, he would debureaucratize and speed up the process for merit-based immigration [00:29:31]. He also believes every high school student in the U.S. should pass the same civics test required of immigrants [00:29:50].
Foreign Policy and National Security
Ramaswamy’s view of American exceptionalism is about demonstrating through example rather than “foisting our values on anyone” [00:32:41]. He expresses concern that the U.S. has neglected its own domestic issues while focusing on international interventions [00:33:02].
Regarding the war in Ukraine:
- He believes Ukraine could become the “next Vietnam or the next Iraq” [00:31:44].
- He suggests Ukraine has become a “new religion” or “crusade” for some, substituting for purpose and meaning, similar to climate ideology or “wokism” [00:31:59].
- He would proactively pursue a deal to end the war, proposing a “Korean War style Armistice” that freezes current lines of control, cedes most of the Donbass region to Russia, and offers a U.S. assurance that NATO will not admit Ukraine [00:34:30].
- In return, Russia would have to exit its military partnership with China (the 2001 Treaty of Good Neighborliness and Cooperation, escalated in 2022 to a “strategic No Limits partnership”) [00:35:04]. He would also require Russia to remove nuclear weapons from Kaliningrad and any military presence from the Western Hemisphere (Venezuela, Cuba, Nicaragua) [00:35:30].
- He would be willing to reopen economic relations with Russia to achieve this, believing Putin does not enjoy being subordinate to Xi Jinping [00:35:43].
- His foreign policy is primarily viewed through the prism of China being the “top long-run threat” [00:36:00]. He sees bifurcating the Russia-China relationship as the most effective step to deterring China from invading Taiwan [00:36:22].
On Taiwan, Ramaswamy states he would defend Taiwan “at least until the U.S. has achieved semiconductor Independence” [00:37:18]. He asserts that Taiwan is a “vital American interest” due to U.S. dependency on its high-tech semiconductor chips [01:52:19]. Once the U.S. is semiconductor self-sufficient, he would evaluate the situation “very differently” [00:38:43].
He is deeply skeptical of the National Security establishment, citing the Iraq War and denial of due process rights to Guantanamo Bay prisoners [01:30:17]. He would pardon Julian Assange and Edward Snowden for exposing corruption [01:30:38]. He believes the U.S. military has “lost its sense of purpose,” which should be to secure Americans, win, and deter wars [01:31:00].
Social and Cultural Policies
Department of Education
Ramaswamy proposes abolishing the Department of Education, arguing it’s an inefficient “deadweight waste” that cycles money from taxpayers and exerts undue influence on local schools [01:15:12]. He claims it tilts funding towards four-year college degrees over vocational training and uses money as a “cudgel” to push “toxic racial and gender ideology-based agendas” [01:15:25]. If elected, he would shut it down and return the $80 billion budget to states that implement school choice programs [01:15:50]. He also advocates for states to reform teacher contracts to prevent teachers from joining unions, which he views as a “destructive force” [01:16:14].
LGBTQ+ and Transgender Issues
Ramaswamy states he has no problem with people being gay [01:18:21]. However, he highlights a “tension” within the LGBTQIA+ movement, where the gay rights movement was predicated on sexual orientation being hardwired, while the “T” component (transgender) suggests gender is fluid [01:19:17]. He argues that some who identify as trans are “really just gay” and the trans movement implicitly tells people “it’s not okay to be gay” [01:19:42].
He consistently refers to gender dysphoria as a “mental health disorder” (excluding rare intersex conditions) [01:20:00]. He states that it was treated as such in medical history through the DSM-5 [01:21:05]. He considers it “cruel” to affirm a child’s “confusion” with surgery or hormone therapy, likening it to allowing tattoos for minors [01:21:25]. He believes adults are free to identify and express themselves as they wish, but society should not be expected to change its “linguistic and traditional understandings in sports and traditional understandings in locker rooms” for a minority [01:22:21]. He views the focus on this topic as a symptom of the broader “mental health epidemic” and “deeper void” in society [01:23:17].
Abortion
Ramaswamy is personally pro-life [01:26:56]. He supports the overturning of Roe v. Wade on constitutional grounds [01:27:06] and believes the federal government should stay out of the issue. He would not support a federal abortion ban, arguing that the 10th Amendment makes it a states’ issue [01:27:29].
He advocates for the pro-life movement to adopt a comprehensive approach, supporting contraception, adoption, child care, and greater sexual responsibility for men, including the use of genetic tests to place more responsibility on men [01:28:01]. He contends that many Americans, including liberals, agree that there should be liability for the death of an unborn child if a pregnant woman is assaulted [01:28:31].
Views on Donald Trump and the Republican Party
Ramaswamy views Donald Trump as a “successful president,” citing his revival of the economy, avoidance of major wars, handling of ISIS, and impact on immigration [00:54:43]. He largely agrees with Trump’s broad policy vision, but notes some policy disagreements, such as Trump’s exit from the TPP (he would re-enter the CPTPP) and his failure to rescind the affirmative action executive order [00:56:22].
However, Ramaswamy believes Trump has an effect on about “30 percent of this country” who become “psychiatrically ill” when he is president, losing their ability to process information independently [00:55:33]. He sees this as a key reason he is running: to carry forward “Unapologetic George Washington America First policies” more successfully and unite the country [00:57:47].
On the “stolen election,” Ramaswamy states he has seen no evidence of ballot fraud sufficient to overturn the ballot count [00:58:08]. However, he believes the election was “stolen” due to the “systematic suppression of information” regarding the Hunter Biden laptop story, arguing that without it, Trump would have been re-elected [00:59:00]. He has also stated he would pardon Trump for the federal indictments against him, viewing the numerous cases as a “collective anaphylactic immune response” to Trump’s challenge to the system [01:00:10]. He clarifies that while he disagrees with Trump’s judgments, he views criminalizing political opponents’ bad judgments during an election as problematic [01:00:37]. He does not believe Trump incited violence on January 6th [01:30:05].
Ramaswamy acknowledges a fundamental divide within the Republican party, particularly on Ukraine, where the establishment (like Mitch McConnell, Mike Pence, Tim Scott) favors continued involvement while the base opposes it [01:34:04]. He attributes the establishment’s stance to “muscle memory” of deterring the USSR, not recognizing that the USSR no longer exists [01:36:20]. He believes this is a failure of elites and a symptom of a deeper national illness [01:41:34].
Campaign Strategy
Ramaswamy’s campaign strategy is “very much a Grassroots strategy” [01:09:04]. He has garnered a large number of unique donors and has conducted more campaign events than other Republican candidates [01:08:48]. He aims to leverage debate stages to gain momentum [01:08:37]. He contrasts his campaign with more traditional approaches by being “totally unconstrained” and reacting in real-time to current events with his “honest instincts” [01:09:59]. This approach generates “earned media” which he considers more valuable than paid advertising [02:01:31].
He is not surprised by the struggles of the Ron DeSantis campaign, viewing DeSantis as an “effective governor” and executor, but lacking the “vision for where we are going” necessary for the presidency [01:10:29]. He believes the current political moment requires recognizing legitimate grievances of Americans while also moving forward as one nation, a “unique fusion” he aims to provide [01:43:19].
Comparison to Other Candidates
Ramaswamy, along with Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Trump, are seen as “non-traditional candidates” who are “a breath of fresh air” because they “tell you what they think” without filtering [01:41:57]. This contrasts with establishment candidates who rely on predetermined agendas and paid media [02:02:03]. He agrees with the critique of “regulatory capture” and the influence of the military-industrial complex [01:50:24]. He supports term limits for politicians, believing people should rotate into and out of public service from private life [01:57:56].