From: jimruttshow8596

“Cynical Theories” is a book by James Lindsay and Helen Pluckrose that critically examines the history and impact of postmodernism and its contemporary manifestations in “social justice” scholarship. The book posits that philosophical liberalism offers a vital alternative to these evolving theories [07:17:00].

Authors and Background

James Lindsay is described as a mathematician, free thinker, skeptic, southerner, author, and independent thinker [00:35:00]. He is known for his Twitter stream (@conceptualjames) [00:47:00] and co-authored “How to Have Impossible Conversations” and “Everybody is Wrong About God” [00:58:00].

Lindsay, along with Peter Boghossian and Helen Pluckrose, gained prominence for publishing parody scholarly articles that “send up” postmodernist rhetoric [01:29:00]. Several of these were accepted for publication, including one that argued the penis should be seen “not as an anatomical organ but as a social construct isomorphic to performative toxic masculinity” [01:36:00]. They wrote 20 such papers in about 10 months, with seven accepted and one receiving an award for excellence in scholarship [03:04:00]. Lindsay described this project as both “humorous and depressing at the same time,” especially upon realizing that proponents of this rhetoric genuinely believe it [02:50:00].

The Alternative: Philosophical Liberalism

The book argues that philosophical liberalism is the true alternative to the current “social justice” movement [07:26:00]. This form of liberalism, foundational to documents like the U.S. Declaration of Independence and Constitution [08:33:00], is fundamentally opposed to all types of authoritarian movements, whether left-wing, right-wing, secular, or theocratic [07:31:00].

Liberalism is presented as a method for resolving conflicts in societies [10:44:00]. Examples include:

  • Economics: Enshrining property rights leads to capitalism and market-based approaches [10:52:00].
  • Politics: Individual voting rights lead to democracy as a way to choose leaders [11:17:00].
  • Ideas: Settling disagreements through reasoned arguments and evidence, not feelings or claims of offense [12:07:00].

While acknowledging that issues like racism, anti-gay bigotry, and gender inequality persist [07:45:00], Lindsay and Pluckrose assert that liberalism’s self-correcting nature, openness to criticism, and focus on universal humanity and individual autonomy are the most effective means to achieve genuine social justice [13:14:00]. They cite historical examples like the abolition of slavery and the Civil Rights movement, where appeals to core liberal principles led to progress [18:22:00].

The book distinguishes between “social justice” (uncapitalized), which is a common ideal of a fairer society, and “Social Justice” (capitalized), which refers to a specific contemporary movement using critical theory infused with postmodern epistemology and ethics [08:43:00]. The authors contend that the “Social Justice” movement seeks to abandon liberalism in favor of a radical, liberationist approach rooted in neo-Marxism and the Frankfurt School (e.g., Herbert Marcuse, Frantz Fanon) [13:34:00].

Focus on Leftist Illiberalism

The authors chose to focus on leftist illiberalism, specifically the “woke” or “social justice” movement, because it is their area of expertise [23:22:00]. They argue that this movement is currently a “genuine threat” driving significant cultural tension and has “stolen our academies” [25:11:00].

The History of Postmodernism

Postmodernism emerged in art and literature around the 1940s, initially questioning rigid structures and rules [25:42:00]. In the 1950s and 60s, French philosophers like Jacques Derrida and Michel Foucault adopted it, becoming deeply interested in how language and power interrelate to construct culture. A key idea was that rules are arbitrary and contain “seeds of structural oppressions” [27:07:00].

The core idea of postmodernism is that all knowledge and claims to truth are ultimately the result of political processes and are therefore means of forwarding power politics, rather than describing what is real [29:17:00]. They nitpicked failures in scientific history but skipped the mechanisms by which science self-corrects and reconverges on truth [30:50:00].

This perspective arose partly from the observed failures of Marxism and communism worldwide [32:08:00]. Postmodernists believed that politics determined what was true, and that academic humanities disciplines were losing influence to science. Thus, they saw postmodernism as a tool to “chop down” the perceived hegemony of science [33:07:00].

Postmodernism’s Applied Turn

Around the mid-to-late 1980s, postmodernism underwent an “applied turn” [45:30:00]. Radical activists from earlier decades, who had lost influence, found postmodern tools useful. They combined radical critical theory with postmodernism by setting aside the idea of universal deconstruction. Instead, they claimed that the experience of oppression was real and only those with privilege could deconstruct it [46:40:00]. This allowed them to simplify postmodernism to “deconstructing those powers that create oppression,” explicitly leading to identity politics [46:51:00].

Two Core Principles of Postmodern Thought

  1. Post-modern Knowledge Principle: Knowledge is socially constructed, generally in service of power, implying no access to objective truth [41:11:00].
  2. Post-modern Political Principle: Dominant groups in society construct knowledge and power; thus, there is an ethical imperative to dismantle powerful discourses [41:41:00].

Four Core Themes of Postmodern Thought and Application

  1. Blurring of Boundaries: Taking categories (e.g., man/woman, knowledge/storytelling) and blurring their distinctions to make everything seem the same [42:09:00].
  2. Almighty Power of Language: An exaggerated focus on language, believing words act like “magic spells” to structure society [42:26:00].
  3. Cultural Relativism: Both moral and epistemological. This means one cannot judge the ethics or knowledge system of one culture from the perspective of another (e.g., science cannot judge witchcraft) [42:37:00].
  4. Dissolution of Universal Humanity and Autonomous Individual: People are seen primarily as products of their social groups or identity categories, rather than unique individuals [43:14:00].

Applied Theories

Postcolonial Theory

Postcolonial theory utilizes “strategic essentialism,” a concept defined by Gayatri Spivak. It involves adopting negative stereotypes about oneself (in a self-aware, ironic way) to use them as a “weapon of resistance” against dominant power [48:17:00]. This often means preserving existing hierarchies but reversing the power dynamics (e.g., “girl power” flipping male dominance to female dominance) [50:01:00].

A bizarre manifestation of postcolonial theory is “decolonizing” concepts like reason and philosophy [52:45:00]. Proponents argue that because Enlightenment ideas, science, and philosophical reasoning largely developed in a European context by white men, these concepts are “properties” of white Western culture. Therefore, attempting to teach science or reason to non-Western cultures is seen as a “colonial act” that erases their distinct cultures [53:52:00]. This worldview dismisses historical nuances and views modern systemic power as the only relevant form of oppression [59:57:00].

A concrete example of this is “research justice,” where the historical exclusion of certain voices in academia (e.g., black women) is addressed by deliberately skewing citations and curricula to prioritize “marginalized voices” over “white Western men” [01:06:08]. This effectively cooks the books to boost the reputational standing of activists with desired identity markers [01:08:14].

Queer Theory

Queer theory is characterized by a “radical rejection of anything being allowed to be considered normal or normative” [01:19:48]. It actively opposes gay marriage, viewing its legalization as a “loss” because it makes being gay “more normative” and removes its “radical divergent” status [01:19:10]. The goal of “queering” something is to make its categories unstable and laughable, arguing that stable categories (like “woman” for “lesbian”) constrain people [01:19:59].

This extends to the “insane view that sex itself is not real” [01:21:01]. Influenced by thinkers like Judith Butler, queer theory argues that if gender is socially constructed, then biological sex might also be culturally constructed, or “always already gender” [01:21:08]. This stems from the belief that even biological facts can be used to justify sexism, and therefore, such ideas must be rejected to remove the “seeds of hegemonic power” [01:23:45].

Critical Race Theory

Critical Race Theory (CRT) builds on the historical truth that racial categories were socially constructed for racist purposes (slavery, colonialism) [01:26:51]. However, instead of liberalism’s aim to remove social significance from race (color blindness), CRT seeks to maintain and even increase the social significance of race, reversing the power dynamic to assert “black power” [01:28:05].

Kimberlé Crenshaw’s work is cited as influential, promoting an “identity first” approach where “I am black” is more meaningful than “I am a person who happens to be black” [01:28:57]. CRT actively defines “black culture” in opposition to “white culture,” claiming white culture is “intrinsically anti-black” [01:32:54]. This has led to absurd claims that values like productivity, reliability, loyalty, punctuality, and even reason/science, are “white supremacy” [01:33:10].

Lindsay argues that CRT’s rhetoric is psychologically devastating for its supposed beneficiaries, fostering paranoia, cynicism, and a belief that the “whole world is against you” [01:38:30]. It is seen as the “opposite of cognitive behavioral therapy” [01:38:21]. Despite the progress made against racism (e.g., declining opposition to interracial marriage, reduced job discrimination) [01:37:21], CRT frames these issues as pervasive and insurmountable obstacles, discouraging individual empowerment [01:37:52].

Conclusion: What Can Be Done?

The authors suggest several actions for people who adhere to liberalism:

  • Listen Better: While their overall diagnoses are rejected, the call to listen better is acknowledged [01:41:22].
  • Assert Liberalism: Systematically neglected in education, liberal principles must be actively taught and argued for [01:41:51].
  • Show Up: Activists are consistent in attending meetings and seeking bureaucratic positions. Those who disagree must engage in public forums like school board meetings [01:42:24].
  • Get Informed: Understand the “jibber jabber” of these theories and the liberal alternative [01:43:03].
  • Don’t Back Down: Opponents use name-calling and try to make people feel stupid. It’s crucial to understand their “word games” and stand firm, asserting the moral and epistemological high ground that liberalism provides [01:45:52]. Lindsay emphasizes that the moment one feels too afraid to speak up is precisely when one must start speaking up [01:46:30].

They conclude by stating that these movements are fundamentally illiberal, representing a “renewal of neo-medievalism” and an attempt to “reverse the course of the last 500 years” [01:32:51].